BARRICADES PROJECT

Among the efforts to thwart Rebecca, there were attempts to get information from local people concerning the Rioters and their identities so they could be arrested. For example, this declaration offers a £100 reward for such information. Though claiming a reward like this may seem like easy money (indeed, adjusting for inflation shows the reward totalling c. £12,000 in today's money), giving information to the authorities was a risky proposition. This was because if it was found out in local circles that someone had been talking to the authorities, there was a strong chance of that person being socially ostracized or even becoming a target of Rebecca herself. Indeed, one letter claiming the reward for a £50 bounty reads that the 'Applicant has experienced much annoyance and difficulty in remaining in the neighbourhood since he laid the information against the Prisoners, and their subsequent conviction, and will ultimately be obliged to leave this part of the country'.Full transcript:'GLAMORGANSHIRE. At a Meeting of Her Majesty's Justices of the Peace, held at Swansea, on Saturday, the 8th day of July, 1843: PRESENT, THOMAS EDWARD THOMAS, ESQ. F. FREDERICKS, ESQ. W.I. JONES, ESQ. REV. SAMUEL DAVIES J.D. BERRINGTON, ESQ. J.D. LLEWELYN, ESQ. G.G. BIRD, ESQ, M.D. C.H. SMITH, ESQ. JOHN GROVE, ESQ. L. LL.DILLWYN, ESQ. RICHARD FRANKLEN, ESQ. Resolved Unanimously- That the following ADVERTISMENT be printed and published with the least possible delay:--- £100 Reward WHEREAS some evil disposed Persons did, in the night time of the Sixth, or early in the morning of the Seventh day of July instant, unlawfully and maliciously throw down and destroy the Toll Bar and House for the Collection of Turnpike Tolls at BOLGOED, in the Parish of Llandilo-Talybont, in the County of Glamorgan, against the form of the Statute in the case made and provided;--- NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, That the above reward of £100 will be paid to any Person or Persons who shall give such Information as will lead to the Conviction of the Offender of Offenders, upon application to Mr. THOMAS ATTWOD, Clerk to the Justices. MORGANWG. Mewn Cyfarfod o Ynadon ei Mawrhydi, a gynnaliwyd yn Abertawy, ddydd Sadwrn, Gorphenaf 8, 1843: YN BRESENNOL, THOMAS EDWARD THOMAS, YSW. F. FREDERICKS, YSW. W.I. JONES, YSW. PARCH. SAMUEL DAVIES J.D. BERRINGTON, YSW. J.D. LLEWELYN, YSW. G.G. BIRD, YSW. M.D. C.H. SMITH, YSW. JOHN GROVE, YSW. L.LL.DILLWYN, YSW. RICHARD FRANKLEN, YSW. Penderfynwyd yn unfrydol,--- Fod i'r Ilyspysiad canlynol gael ei argraffu a'l gyhoeddi yn ddioedi:--- GWOBRWY O £100! YN gymmaint ag i ryw Berson neu Bersonau drwg eu tuedd yn nos y Cwechfed, neu yn foreu y Seithfed o'r mis hwn, sef Gorphenaf, mewn modd anghyfreithlon a maleisus daflu i lawr a distrywio y TOLL-BORTH a' TY i gasglu y Tollan yn y BOLGOED, yn mhlwyt Llandilo-Talybont, swydd Forganwg, yn erbyn y Gyfraith a wnaed at yr achos hwn ;-- Rhoddir Rhybudd trwy hyn, Y caiff y Wobr uchod o £100 ei thalu i unrhyw Berson neu Bersonau ag a roddo y eyfryw Hysbysrwydd i brofi yn euog y Troseddwr neu y Troseddwyr, ond ymofyn a Mr. THOMAS ATTWOOD, Ysgrifenydd yr Ynadon. E.GRIFFITHS, PRINTER, HIGH-STREET, SWANSEA.'

Most historians agree the Rebecca Riots ended in 1844. However, this newspaper article from 1879 complicates that idea. It opens, "...the "Rebbecaites" have again brought themselves into prominent notice in the country, and their movements form a subject much discussed not only in the localities where they exist but throughout the kingdom..." This refers to an ongoing rural contestation focussed on the River Wye in Radnorshire, sometimes called the 'second' Rebecca riots. Local people, frustrated with restrictions on salmon poaching, took on the title and dress of Rebecca and her Daughters and hunted for salmon despite regulation and efforts by authorities. This contestation lasted, on and off, from around 1856 until 1879, increasing in severity over time. Indeed, this article elaborates of the later period in this contestation that, 'The measures taken by the Chairman and the Board of Conservators to secure the protection of the fish in the fisheries in 1878 and 1879 have...resulted in other and more extensive outbreaks of Rebeccaism than have occurred for many years past. Every increase in watchers seems to bring forth increased strength on the part of the poachers.' Three things are especially notable here. The first is that Radnorshire is fairly far from the epicentre of the original Rebecca riots. This stands as testament to the reach of Rebecca's meaning as an identity of protest. Second, that this largely concerned fishing freedoms and not toll gates demonstrates how Rebeccaism had become a versatile outlet for protest. Third, that even over a decade later these poachers took on the mantle of Rebecca speaks to the riots' temporal reach. In essence, the dress and name had evolved past simple disguises; Rebecca had become a recognised (sometimes feared, sometimes renowned) identity of Welsh protest.

This newspaper article gives some general information about the Rebecca Riots while taking a handful of political stances concerning them. A few features stand out. This is from the newspaper's front page, demonstrating the prominence and interest in the riots as far as London. Indeed, as the article later mentions writing in the Times about the Riots, we can see they spread fairly far in English reporting. The article also assumes existing knowledge of the riots, opening by saying, 'The tumults which are now disturbing society, agitating the population, and destroying all social order in South Wales have at last assumed an aspect which may no longer be regarded without a profound anxiety, a watchful solicitude, and we fear we must add, also, a natural and justifiable inquiet and alarm'. As the reader is assumed to have some basic knowledge of these 'tumults', this further demonstrates the riots had established notoriety. The article also constructs a fairly nuanced opinion towards the Riots. While it disavows the methods of the rioters (particularly in breaking laws), it also tries to understand why the Rioters would be driven to such lawlessness. '...we are all emphatically bound to deprecate and abhor their actions, to regret their disloyalty and bad violence, to lament that their festering turbulence has been allowed to grow to head, and to join in hearty aspiration that they may now speedily crushed —not without such retribution either as the law will temper with mercy, such punishment as justice will administer with humanity—as an example to the future from the past. But at the same time it becomes also a social duty, for our own example's sake, to look into the source of the evils by which this rude and impetuous people have really been oppressed ; and when these riots are crushed utterly, to seek legislative redress for them' This article identifies many factors causing this 'turbulence', but above all judges the Poor law to be the most influential in fuelling Rebecca. It then uses this as a chance to criticise the government and advise towards the abolition of the policy. It closes by saying that  'the way to crush rebellions is not to let them grow till they are worth crushing', or that through the right governance, such risings as Rebecca would not become problems to begin with. Therefore, Rebecca was not just of interest in London as pure spectacle; it came to strike at the heart of contemporary political discourse regarding far-reaching policies and government positions.   The full transcript follows below: '29 July 1843. THE RIOTS IN WALES.  The tumults which are now disturbing society, agitating the population, and destroying all social order in South Wales have at last assumed an aspect which may no longer be regarded without a profound anxiety, a watchful solicitude, and we fear we must add, also, a natural and justifiable inquiet and alarm, by every one professing to be at all regardful of the common peace of the community and the general tranquillity of the slate. We do not mean weakly and flimsily to assume that the wild daring and half romantic turbulence of the Welsh districts—a turbulence which has now indeed become as wicked as mischievous, by darkening its hardy boldness with the crimson stain of blood —is per se a thing to thicken horrors upon the public imagination, or to make the hair of the nation "stand on end ;" but we do take up these organized and insurrectionary movements as signs of the times which are multiplying much too rapidly, and which are much too readily made the resort of either disaffection and discontent, with that sort of dangerous defiance of the spirit of the constitution and the power of the law which every true lover of rational liberty in the British Empire must earnestly deprecate and deplore. That species of argument which is balanced upon a threat is always most dangerous when admitted or tolerated in the most remote degree—as dangerous to the conscious independence of good governments as it would be to the personal honour and character of true gentlemen; and yet this is the very style of “extorting justice” which the spirit of the times seems to have hit upon, and which is equally dishonest in its motive, and demoralizing in its effect. It depreciates the efficacy of the executive in the public respect, and tends to a prestige for tumult, and a defiance of every consideration of social equity and the prescriptive rights of peace. It is vain to say, however, that, with marks of distinction in their nature and tendency, crusades against the law and the constitution have not been suffered to grow ahead amongst us, and that, too, without half enough resistance on the part of those who should have quelled the storm in its rising, have stemmed the torrent before it grew to strength. Who will say that these remarks do not apply to Ireland, whence the threat of repeal has been literally brandished in the face of the British Government, or in the very teeth of the Saxon, as O’Connell would more emphatically shout? There physical force has been arrayed with moral forbearance, and with a display of power systematic, organized, concentrated, but perilous in the extreme ; there the literal wolf of rebellion has howled forth his hypocrisy in the sheep’s clothing of peace. And now that he has done this, it may be the best policy of the Government to conciliate him into impotence—by calm, untroubled reserve of authority to bind him with silken fetters within his jacket of fleece, and so give the wolf no pretext for escape into his natural atmosphere of ferocity. This we say may be, and perhaps is, the best policy now ; but we much question the wisdom, nay, censure the indifference, of allowing an insurrectionary spirit, whether passive or active in its principles, so far as actual violence is concerned, to have grown into so formidable a presence—to have spoken with so bullying a voice.  So, in a lesser degree, of the Welsh riots. They ought not to have been supinely permitted to have swelled to what they are-- to have grown into a wild, bold, powerful, spreading disaffection. Rebecca, while her family were yet young and few, might have been despoiled of her hopeful progeny —might have been left “like Niobe all tears”—no children tied to her revolutionary apron-strings-- not one son or daughter of turbulence at her side. Not so now. South Wales is shaken as by an earthquake—the amazonian who traded against turnpikes has become a leader of a thousand yeomen acting in defiance of constables, artillery, and troops. Under the magic of Rebecca’s name a regular and organized combination has sprung up, and in its boldness has conceived and matured a system of predatory warfare. Its conspirators are as numerous, as rapid, and as harassing as the far-famed guerillas of Spain. Suddenly and imperceptibly, at the start of rockets and firesignals upon the hills, they gather into wild freebooting throngs —storm property, destroy turnpikes, and threaten all peaceful dwellers upon the soil who will not participate in their design. Do the military arrive—one flash of flame from the signal mountains, and they are dispersed without leaving trace or track. They are gone with reckless energy to their hiding-places—the lone cottage—the rock chasm—the dark coal-pit--the bush--the ditch--the brake—the barn—the sheltering hedge. The troops are nonplussed—the work of mischief has been completed, but the authorities are successfully defied.  Once within the last week, however, there has been a scene of conflict. Some drunken peasant, bribed to betray his comrades with a hundred pounds, disclosed one isolated rendezvous, but the Rebeccaites fought desperately, and in their affray with the constabulary blood was shed and human life sacrificed. Some of the consequences will be prosecution, transportation, and death ! This is a dreadful state of things—the whole country is plunged into mad alarm-- the participators the wild movement are many —the non-participators few and insecure. Soldiers, exasperated with fruitless adventure, march the highways and track the fields in vain—justice trembles and is paralyzed—juries dare hardly keep their oaths upon the trials ; and at last Government will be forced to the alternative of special commissions, and of sending down London magistrates to sift the ramifications of the frightful conspiracy that is alive.  Yet with all this, be it remembered, the mass of the Rebeccaites do not consist of the idle or depraved lower classes ; they are not even confined to the aggrieved peasantry, who suffer under poor law legislation in the agricultural districts ; or the sullen, grumbling labourers who have been thrown loose and penniless upon the country from the coal and iron works and mines ; but they have their ranks swelled and strengthened and rendered important by the accession of whole bodies of farmers, who frame a set of general grievances as the reasons of their revolt, and who seek only the alleviation or withdrawal of those grievances to lure them back to order and their allegiance to the laws.  Of course it would ridiculous to countenance any palliation of the outrageous conduct of these disorderly creatures upon any other ground than that of pitiable ignorance ; and whe [sic.] the shedding of blood ensues not even upon that. No—we are all emphatically bound to deprecate and abhor their actions, to regret their disloyalty and bad violence, to lament that their festering turbulence has been allowed to grow to head, and to join in hearty aspiration that they may now speedily crushed —not without such retribution either as the law will temper with mercy, such punishment as justice will administer with humanity—as an example to the future from the past. But at the same time it becomes also a social duty, for our own example’s sake, to look into the source of the evils by which this rude and impetuous people have really been oppressed ; and when these riots are crushed utterly, to seek legislative redress for them, as the English people will seek legislative redress for Ireland the moment her cry for the dismemberment the empire is hushed in peace, and loyalty becomes truthful in its allegiance to the throne.  In both countries the most just and violent complaints seem to be of the poor-laws—of that dreadful system of grinding poverty, and never blessing it with comfort or benevolence, of which we murmured so bitterly in our last. In Wales they fret of tithes too, from which Ireland is exempt ; and the heavy tolls are no doubt iniquity which ought in honesty to be removed. But the Poor-law is the monster grievance—there, here, everywhere ; and why will Government blind itself to the incalculable benefits of its extirpation? Why will they cling to this one madness, when they know that it broods disaffection, and feel that disaffection is raging into revolt?  ln Wales the farmer and the labourer complain of the poor-law alike--it torments, crushes them both. No doubt, too, there are many other complications of distress in the farm population of the Welsh districts now in insurrection ; and these have been well set forth at one of their organized meetings, and doubt faithfully reported by the correspondent of the Times. They should be carefully perused and considered by ministers and members of Parliament, when even these unhappy disturbances may be brought to end ; and Heaven speed the hour.  Although the discussion of Welsh riots has induced the mention of Irish agitation in this article, yet it is meet the reader should by no means identify the two disturbances in character. The Times has properly pointed out the distinction between them. “In Wales,” says our contemporary, "we have a very different case from that of Ireland. We have here no trusted and recognised leader, possessed himself, and endeavouring to inflame others, with a blind hostility of race, a bitter and revengeful animosity against everything English : it is not against the British connection that the Welsh farmer lifts his hand. It is a local quarrel, in which he has some right on his side, though his way of seeking it is unendurable in any country professing be governed by law ; and were that right clearly acknowledged he would probably be led to accept, not unthankfully, the intervention of Government between himself and the hated turnpikemen and rate-collectors. We do not mean that the state is to intermit its efforts to put down, by such force and activity as can command, the outrages which now disgrace the county of Carmarthen—far from it. Without a display of firmness and power, effectual conciliation is impossible. But let action and inquiry—prosecution of offenders and redress of grievances —go hand in hand. Let the Welsh peasantry learn how much they risk by persevering—how much they may gain by desisting from disturbance. But, above all, to repeat what have before enforced, let the conduct both of the coercion and of the conciliation be assigned to some one who has a head on his shoulders, and we shall then become somewhat less anxious than can now profess ourselves to be as to the issue of this dangerous and provoking conspiracy.”  The last sentence implies a just rebuke. The chief magistrates and others should have been sent before to the disturbed districts-- before, in fact, they were disturbed so fearfully—and then we might never have had to propound reproachfully to the Government the old story that prevention is better than cure, and that the way to crush rebellions is not to let them grow till they are worth crushing’ Further reading More articles like this one can be found at the British newspaper archive: https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/ NB: An account is required and free article views are limited to 3 per day. Alternatively, to save you a little work, the below link will take you to the BNA search engine, where the appropriate year range for Rebecca has been selected and 'rebecca riots' has been searched. https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/search/results/1800-01-01/1849-12-31?basicsearch=rebecca%20riots&exactsearch=false&retrievecountrycounts=false

This short piece in the Welshman asks 'WHO ARE THE CONSPIRATORS ? According to the Times there is a strong suspicion that some men of rank are at the bottom of the Rebecca riots. Who are they ? is the general question. To answer this inquiry, and to detect one of the culprits, we have only to refer back to events of great notoriety. Who was it who commenced the resistance to turn- pikes ? Who set the example of war with the gates ? Who was the first to set the toll-taker at defiance ? The distinguished member of Sir Robert Peel's Cabinet, the illustrious statesman, Sir Edward Knatchbull. At the time when he made his stand against the gate we hailed him as a second Hampden but little did we imagine that a rebellion would follow in the train of his example. As in the case of Hampden, the Judges decided against him; but the question was otherwise settled by a people ultimately driven to arms for the assertion of their rights. The resemblance to Hampden fails in the particular of the open part taken in the field, but still stronger are the traces of identity between the great first mover of war with the gates and the actors in the Welsh insurrection. If there has been a leader in petticoats in Carmarthen, has there not been an undoubted old woman in the Cabinet ? But there is stronger evidence of identity. In the last riot some of the leaders, says the report, had their coats turned inside out, a circum- stance which almost conclusively directs suspicion against the Kentish Baronet, who has so lately turned his coat on the Corn-law question. —Examiner.' This allegation is almost certainly untrue. However, the truth this does reveal is that many people (both past and present) have suspected that powerful parties had hands in directing the Rebecca riots. For example, prominent solicitor Hugh Williams has often been considered the guiding hand for the riots, despite there being no real evidence connecting him to Rebecca.  This rather sensationalised source also helps us capture the social atmosphere of the Riots' peak, when opinions about Rebecca flew fast in the air regardless of their credibility. Further Reading For more examples of Welsh newspaper coverage of the Rebecca riots, the below digital archive is a great place to look. https://newspapers.library.wales/home Particularly, searching the Welshman for 'Rebecca' during the year 1843 provides a buffet of material to chew on.

Though there was a place for reconciliation in efforts to quell the riots, so too was there place for authoritative, sometimes aggressive proclamations which often made appeals to religious scripture such as this one. This letter from a landowner responding to threats from the Rebeccaites largely speaks for itself, so a full transcript is below: 'TO THE PERSON CALLING HIMSELF REBECCA AND TO THOSE UNLAWFULLY CONSPIRING WITH HIM, NAMING THEMSELVES The Daughters of Rebecca. I have just received a Notice, threatening that if I do not give back to my tenants, at the next rent day, five shillings in the pound, you will injure my Stock, and my Farm, and my Premises. Probably some of my neighbours have had similar notices. Now, I am willing to believe that you had nothing to do with such an act, and that it is in no part of your intention to meddle with the private affairs of others ; but that some cowardly rascal has ventured to send Notices of that sort, thinking to frighten us. I recommend to all persons carefully to preserve them, for most certainly the writers of Law, and the guilty parties will pass the rest of their days in disgraceful servitude in a foreign land. Transportation for life, is the penalty awarded by law, for writing or causing to be sent, a threatening letter of that nature. And if you have sent me such a Notice, I tell you no that I will not comply with it ; and further, had I not send, a month ago, unasked, to my farm tenants, to inform them, that at the ensuing rent day I would return them 10 per cent. of their rents, I would not now do that- so much for your interference. Whatever injury you might do to my property, would ultimately fall upon many of those you pretend to serve. By a statute of the 7th and 8th Geo. IV., it is declared "that in every such case, the inhabitants of the Hundred in which such offence shall be committed, shall be liable to yield full compensation to the person so injured, not only for the damage so done, but also for any damage which may, at the same time be done, by any such offenders, to any fixture, furniture, or goods whatever."   The Act of Parliament would entitle me to immediate payment for the damage, from all the inhabitants of this, and many surrounding parishes, comprising the extensive Hundred of Troedyraur: and I would take care never to spend one shilling of it in this country : so that instead of serving my tenants, you would throw a heavy additional burden upon them. You may also rely upon it, that if you make the attempt, you will meet with a very warm reception, and the statute declares, that any one committing such offence, "shall be judged guilty of felony, and, being convicted thereof, shall suffer death as a felon. Any attempt to injure me in the manner threatened, would destroy the confidence I have had in the character of Welshmen, and would induce me not to live amongst my tenants, but to employ an attorney to collect my rents, to be spent elsewhere, instead of giving daily employment, as I have heretofore done, sufficient to maintain some 30 or 40 persons in honest industry, in all seasons. The Rates and other Taxes which I now pay, as some of the principal occupiers and charge bearers in the parish, would fall upon others, with encreased force, from the numbers that would be thrown out of employ, by my non-residence here ; thus, my tenants would again by injured by your acts, they would cease to have a friend whom they have never resorted in vain for advice and assistance. By continuing your lawless acts, you will induce the Gentry of this country, to become absentees, and in that respect make this country like Ireland. You will bring the working classes to your misery and want, whereas it is notorious they are now better off than they have been for many years, being able to buy bread and butter at nearly half the prices of 1832, and many preceding years, cheese at 2d. per lb., and all other necessaries of life in the same reduced proportion. Several small occupiers & cottagers have been threatened by your people, to have their houses burnt, if they do not join in your unlawful practices. They and you may now know that for any such injuries, two Justices can order them full compensation, to be levied from all the inhabitants of the Hundred ; so that they have nothing to fear for refusing to join you, but if they do join you, they render themselves liable to transportation for life. Now, they will understand how to act rightly, and may God guide them to do so : they may rely on the Magistrates with full confidence for support. It is said that you have imposed upon many ignorant persons, by pretending to have scripture authority for your acts, and that you rely on the 60th verse of the xxiv. chapter of Genesis, which is in these words : "And they blessed Rebecca, and said unto her," (her brother Laban speaking for his mother and self,) "be thou the mother of thousands and millions, and let thy seed possess the gates of those which hate them." What an abuse of the Holy Scriptures ! ! All learned Divines are agreed, that the meaning of those words is, that the mother and brother of Rebecca prayed God to make her fruitful , that her posterity might be victorious over their enemies. Rebecca was really a woman, a good and pious woman, having the fear of God before her eyes, observing all his holy commandments, and carefully avoiding such a gross violation of them as "to do evil unto others." But, if you will adhere to the literal words of the text, and put your own interpretation on them, the next verse must be taken in the same meaning, "And the servant took Rebecca and went his way," which would signify that Rebecca was taken, and the servant that took her was not interrupted in so doing. And this will be your case : you will be captured, and the misguided persons whom you have drawn in, will not help you, but return to their peaceful homes. They ought not to trust strangers whom they do not know, who dare not show their faces, to go against those amongst whom they have passed their lives ; they may have looked upon the breaking of gates as a piece of mere mischief, and never intended to commit felony, as many have done. It is to be hoped, that the Clergy and Ministers of all denominations, will feel it their sacred and bounden duty, to exhort their congregations and friends to resist the influence of such wicked examples, to the utmost of their power : that they will point out the evil consequences which must follow such practices : and the necessity of joining together to put down that which has brought such disgrace upon the country. It is to be hoped that you and your followers will depart from your wicked ways, before the Law overtakes you, which otherwise it most assuredly will do, and your lives will be ended in misery and disgrace. ED. LLOYD WILLIAMS  Gwernant, near Newcastle-Emelyn July 9th, 1843. WILLIAM JONES, PRINTER, BRIDGE-STREET, NEWCASTLE-EMLYN:'

This notice for a meeting about local grievances and their potential resolution shows us Rebecca was addressed not only by force; offers of reconciliation and attempts to strike at the motivations for rioting were also made. However, the notice underlines that, though negotiation is possible, authority still lies firmly in the hands of the Queen and government, calling the southern counties one of 'Her Majesty's Dominions'. Additionally, the notice only guarantees that grievances will be 'considered', and is rather less promising in terms of their resolution, bringing into question how successful such a meeting was expected to be, and even if holding one at all was more posturing by local authorities than anything. Transcript: 'NOTICE. A PUBLIC MEETING will take place AT LLECHRYD, On Monday, the 9th instant, at Eleven in the forenoon, to Vote a dutiful and loyal Address to the Queen, expressive of the devoted attachment of the Meeting to Her Majesty's Person and Government, pledging itself, to the utmost of its power and influence, to preserve the Peace of this part of Her Majesty's Dominions. At the said Meeting, all local Grievances will be CONSIDERED; and it is hoped, amicably, and satisfactorily adjusted. The attendance of the Magistrates of the District, and also, of the Public at large, is requested. IT IS EXPECTED THATE. Lloyd Williams, Esq., WILL TAKE THE CHAIR. Signed, THOMAS JENKINS, H.E.I.C.S.'

Part-time constable's batons used during the Rebecca Riots 1839-43  When we think about the riots being opposed by the authorities through force in a general sense, objects like these are useful for grounding us in reality by reminding of the material realities such force.Iron bolt from Carmarthen gaol, 1800sWhile this bolt is not certain to have been used to imprison any Rebecca rioters, this was in use at around the time of the Riots and there are several cases of Rebecca Rioters being imprisoned in gaols like Carmarthen jail. As such, even if this is not an exact article, it can still indicate to us the kinds of technologies which were used to secure apprehended Rebeccaites.

These letters, one copy in Welsh and another in English, are addressed from Rebecca. Typical of many letters from the rioters, it threatens the addressee with violence unless they meet some demands. The English reads, 'Avenging of Blood June 19 1843. As thy soul liveth and as we live if thou do not come out thou and the paupers that are under thy care before next Wednesday we are determined to destroy it wholly and woe be to thy body for we shall take care of thee that thou shalt not escape (!Beware!) joke we do not any more Rebecca...' Beyond demonstrating Rebecca's leveraging of fear and offering nonviolent outlets as well as the duality of language in Wales, this letter is also a testament to the sophistication and organisation of Rebecca, hardly typical of what one might think of as 'riots'.

The Rebeccaites relied on swift coordination so they could act faster than the authorities and evade head-on confrontation. This item, a conch shell used in Talog, Carmarthenshire for communication between Rebeccaites, reveals one of the ways they achieved such a level of coordination; sound. Additionally, the use of a conch shell reflects the coastal area of the riots and the Rebeccaites' use of an improvised and diverse arsenal; axes, saws, guns, and women's dresses were variously used by the daughters to create an inventory that while somewhat muddled, was incredibly effective.

Thomas Rees, also known as 'Twm Carnabwth', is thought to have been the first leader of an attack against a toll gate and the first to take on the name and dress of Rebecca. The dress choice was possibly the result of him being too large for any petticoat to disguise him properly, so he used an old woman's dress instead.  Any research into Rees will foremost bring up his role in the riots. Surely then, one would expect his grave to memorialise such a role. Surprisingly, that is not the case; it reads: 'ER COF AM  THOMAS REESTRIAL OR PLWYF HWNBU FARW MEDI 17 1876YN 70 OED"TWM CARNABWTH" Nid oes neb ond Duw yn gwybodBeth a ddigwydd mewn diwornodWrth gyrchu bresych at fy nginioDaeth angau i fy nga(r)dd i'm taro.'  (In English) 'IN MEMORY OF THOMAS REES TRIAL OF THIS PARISH DIED SEPTEMBER 17 1876 AT AGE 70 "TWM CARNABWTH" No one but God knows What will happen in a day While fetching cabbage for my lunch Death came to my garden to strike me.' This indicates that though Rebecca might have been an important chapter of Rees' life, it did not necessarily become his identity. Therefore, his deep association with the riots today may be more of a posthumous construction. Indeed, more broadly, this grave reminds that these rioters were more than just 'Rebbeccaites', 'protesters', or 'dissenters'. Each one was an individual with their own stories. Stories which, though most are lost to us, shaped decades to come.

Painting with the broadest brush, the story of Wales in the nineteenth century is one of industrialisation. Ironworking and coal mining expanded, especially in the south, allowing urban areas to become industrialised and connect to the whole world via trade. The population increased dramatically; and it moved: some areas saw relative demographic decline as the proportion of the population living in the south east of the country skyrocketed. History is rarely straightforward. Just as Wales ventured into the new, so too did it maintain the old. Davies writes of this contrast, 'Villages that were so lost in time that no map marked them existed a few miles from towns that were world leaders in a range of different industrial undertakings. Industrialists of incalculable wealth lived close to beggars dying of starvation, while world-leading mathematicians and scientists coexisted with bearded, messianic preachers, who believed, preached, looked, sounded, and smelt like Old Testament prophets...Although they worked in modern industries, many Welsh people perpetuated the Middle Ages. In that most novel of industries, the railways, workers brought with them into their workplace older beliefs. If a bird, especially a robin, was seen in a carriage then it forewarned fearful tidings. Thousands of Welsh people believed in the physical reality of unearthly beings such as angels and cherubs.' A strong strand of religious non-conformity ran through the less affluent communities, separating their chapels from the Anglican churches with their wealthier congregations. This period was not without contestation. There was friction between Welsh workers and a predominantly English bourgeoisie: there was an uprising in Merthyr Tydfil in 1831 when several thousands of workers called for reforms against worker exploitation; in 1839, as part of the Chartist movement, there was an armed rebellion in Newport. However, the most notorious of Welsh contestations during this period was agrarian; the Rebecca Riots, which took place in South Wales from 1839-1844. South Wales 1830-1850 South Wales is typified by hills, valleys, and often rugged coastlines; travel was often taken via winding country paths on multiple elevations. While weather of course fluctuated year by year, the summertime was largely temperate and winters were especially wet, windy, and cold.  To live in South Wales during this time was, for most, to live with many burdens. As the old agricultural economy was eroded by ambitious anglicised landowners, the livelihoods and ways of life of entire communities were threatened or destroyed. Tithes and high rent rates stripped people's money away and the 1834 Poor law made living even more difficult as it reduced government provisions to the poor. All the while, population increases placed stress on the food supply, which was exacerbated by weak harvests from 1838-41. Limestone carting was vital to agriculture. Lime was used for fertilisation of crops and neutralising acidic soil; however, it could only be obtained in certain areas, meaning farmers had to use carts to transport the lime. The turnpike roads used for this transport had several toll gates, partly to raise money for road maintenance. Needless to say, paying tolls to move lime was unpopular, and many farmers did their best to avoid paying tolls either by taking alternate routes or timing their travel so they would pay the minimum number of tolls. However, in 1839 the turnpike trusts (of which there were many in operation across South Wales) began to build new gates to crack down on such workarounds.

If you take a trip around South Wales today, you might notice a few oddities; a mural fixed into a moss-covered stone depicting figures charging at what looks like a fence gate, a signpost jutting out the side of a clothes shop depicting a gruff man wearing a dress which advertises that the building was used as a gaol in times past, or a waxwork of a similarly dress-clad man standing awkwardly next to a museum's leaflet board. Ask around, and you would find these all connect to 'Rebecca', a subject many people in South Wales know of or have heard about, but, when pressed, are unlikely to know about in much detail. 'Rebecca' refers to a series of agrarian protests during the mid-nineteenth century, also known as the 'Rebecca Riots'. The name most likely comes from the bible: 'And they blessed Rebekah, and said unto her, Thou art our sister, by thou the mother of thousands of millions and let thy seed possess the gate of those that hate them' (Genesis 24:60). However, despite the biblical grounding for the name of the Rebecca Riots, its motivation was far from ecclesiastical.   The rise of Rebecca rioting from 1839-1844 emerged from communities in Carmarthenshire, Cardiganshire, and Pembrokeshire who were struggling with tithes, rent rates, and overpopulation. These communities needed only a spark to elevate their discontent to outrage, and in this instance the 'spark' was the construction of avaricious toll gates by Turnpike Trusts (hence the relevance of the biblical reference to 'possessing the gate'). What followed this spark was years in which toll gates and associated properties were destroyed by mobs of local people. Moreover, as time went on, the wrath of Rebecca turned to tackle some of the broader economic and moral concerns of the community until the riots finally died down during 1844. This bears similarity to many agrarian uprisings of times past; however, closer inspection reveals the unique character of Rebecca, indicated by the source below, a letter from local law enforcement: 'The [rioters] are... dressed in a loose garment resembling female attire, bound with a sash, and their faces masked or blackened: several were armed…' It is this visage of Rebecca that has become the immortal image of the riots. What this does not illuminate, however, was the effectiveness with which the 'Rebeccaites' operated. Using their knowledge of the landscape, convening in secret meetings, making extensive use of written correspondence, and operating under the cover of night, the rioters out-manoeuvred local authorities and government enforcers alike at almost every turn. Indeed, so organised were the Rebeccaites that the leader of any given excursion was dubbed 'Rebecca', while the others were known as 'Rebecca's daughters'. In the first months of the riots, Rebecca and her daughters focused mainly on toll gates. To defend them the British Government sent Colonel Love and the 4th Light Dragoons in the wake of flailing local resistance to the riots. Love's strategy was simple but ineffective; if there was a disturbance, he would make haste to the scene. This reactionary approach meant that Love repeatedly arrived long after the rioters had left. Indeed, Sir James Graham, the Home Secretary, commented that 'If a crime is committed...[Love] instantly sends soldiers to the place the following day.' Although this spurred debate in parliament and drew the attention of the newspapers, little was done to address the situation. Rebecca's horizons expanded as time went on. By the summer of 1843, Rebecca was exercising a 'moral economy' - punishing people for immoral behaviour (such as adultery), blocking bailiffs from collecting debts, and generally preventing the normal execution of law. This fundamentally challenged the financial and legal authority of the British government. Realising Love's ineptitude and concerned about setting a precedent for other rebellions, the home secretary reconsidered the strategic options. This led to Major General George Brown, a veteran of wars in Spain, America, and Crimea, being called on and introduced into the Welsh situation. Love was not replaced but Brown took control over much of the Welsh situation. At great financial cost, he distributed police officers across the three counties in dozens of assignments. Broadly speaking, this strategy worked; it marked the beginning of a steady decline in riotous activities as arrests and punishments increased. At the same time, the government reformed the toll gates' administration and pricing in 1844 to a fairer model, remedying one of Rebecca's key grievances. While Brown's strategy was too expensive to be sustained, the government continued to make reforms in following years to address some of the issues raised by the riots.   This said, many grievances still remained in Welsh life. In the 1850s, provoked by changes to fishing policy, new riots broke out in Radnorshire, wearing the mantle of Rebecca, demonstrating that the spirit of Rebecca and her Daughters did not truly die in 1844; it only lay dormant. Finding more about Rebecca: places to visit National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth Carmarthenshire County Museum, Carmarthen Narberth Museum, Narberth National Archives, Kew, London